Antisemitism-Goldberg


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Interview:
Robert Alan Goldberg

According to Robert Alan Goldberg, antipathy toward Jews as a religious and ethnic group has been a pernicious periodic theme within European Christianity for two millennia. Apart from this, but often interconnected is the more specific idea of an international political conspiracy that gains ground in the turmoil of revolutionary challenges to European church-state oligarchies in the late 1700s and early 1800s. As Goldberg explains:

“Scottish professor John Robison and French ex-Jesuit Augustin de Barruel were monarchists who defended the aristocracy, and they argued that the Revolution was not rooted in poverty and despotism, but instead was the result of a conspiracy involving the Freemasons, a fraternal group that valued science and reason.”

Another arm of the conspiracy named by Robison and Barruel was the Order of Illuminati, a secretive philosophical society (with a membership that overlapped with the Freemasons) that challenged the status quo, especially church power over political institutions.

New Internationalist: Why does conspiracist thinking persist? Does it serve some type of social function?

Goldberg: Many commentators dismiss conspiracy thinking as the province of the marginal or fanatical. Better to understand it as a refuge in time of crisis and tragedy. Conspiracy theories offer much to believers. They order the random and bring clarity to ambiguity. They provide purpose and meaning in the face of the chaotic. They also tender support to the traumatized who cry for vengeance and demand the identities of those responsible. Conspiracy thinking, similarly, offers a cure for powerlessness. It lifts the despair of vulnerability by arming believers with tantalizing, secret knowledge to understand and defeat the enemy. Conspiracy plots appear so credible because they are filled with details – names, dates, numbers – hard data that seemingly can be not be denied.

Moreover, in the face of a decline in faith and trust in authorities, conspiracy theorists pose as competing authorities who offer the facts of a new history, a new version of the past. In it, are revealed who has betrayed America’s promise, traditions, and beliefs. Conspiracy theorists thus create a counter history which tells us how and why America has lost its way. This pits conspiracy theorists with traditional authorities in a struggle for power – a struggle for the control of history and therefore the present and future.

New Internationalist: Isn’t conspiracism really harmless, and aren’t its critics just defending the status quo?

Goldberg: In a culture of conspiracism, opponents become traitors and enemies are stripped of their humanity. The world divides between good and evil, black and white. In such an atmosphere, compromise – so vital to the health of democracy becomes impossible. Faith in core institutions is lost and they lose both popular support and their ability to govern is weakened.

New Internationalist: How can you tell the difference between a “healthy skepticism of authority” and conspiracism? Where do you draw the line?

Goldberg: Healthy skepticism of authority is essential to democracy. The key is to maintain logical consistency while demanding evidence in support of an argument. Conspiracy theories are slippery in their logic and careless of facts and assumptions. They work from a premise or preconception of conspiracy and deny other possible explanations of events. Circumstance, rumor, and hearsay serve as evidence and are deemed sufficient for proof. Conspiracy theorists think magically. They create super powerful antagonists who exercise their will without constraint. Human error, chance, and bureaucratic process have no place in their narratives. In these tellings, everything can be explained. The result is a fanciful world that is rigorously coherent and ordered and subject to the whim of a diabolical few. Recall also, easy accusations of high crimes and mass murder sell books and movie tickets. True credibility demands testimony based on more than innuendo.

Books by Robert Alan Goldberg


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Antisemitism-Fenster


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Interview:
Mark Fenster

Mark Fenster describes how some people use conspiracy theories to construct a theory of power that fails to recognize how real power relations work in modern society, and argues the phenomenon “should not be dismissed and analyzed simply as pathology.”

He suggests that “conspiracy theory and contemporary practices of populist politics require a cultural analysis that can complement an ideological and empirical ‘debunking’.”

“Conspiracy theory as a theory of power, then, is an ideological misrecognition of power relations, articulated to but neither defining nor defined by populism, interpellating believers as ‘the people’ opposed to a relatively secret, elite ‘power bloc.'”

“Yet such a definition does not exhaust conspiracy theory’s significance in contemporary politics and culture; as with populism, the interpellation of ‘the people’ opposed to the ‘power bloc’ plays a crucial role in any movement for social change.”

“Moreover, as I have argued, just because overarching conspiracy theories are wrong does not mean they are not on to something.”

“Specifically, they ideologically address real structural inequities, and constitute a response to a withering civil society and the concentration of the ownership of the means of production, which together leave the political subject without the ability to be recognized or to signify in the public realm.” (Conspiracy Theories 67-74).

New Internationalist: Aren’t you just finding another way to defend the status quo and marginalize people who believe in conspiracy theories as an explanation for power relationships in society?

Fenster: That assumes an either/or proposition that is the basis of most conspiracy theories, and mainstream political thought as well: Either you defend the status quo or you commit to a simplistic theory of power. Presuming that to be the only choice leads to quiescence or misconceptions about the structures of power, as well as to a notion that those who disagree are either paranoids (the pluralist view of conspiracy theorists) or the willfully blind and part of the conspiracy itself (the conspiracy theorists’ view of their critics).

New Internationalist: If all social movements are created to oppose a power bloc that is relatively secret and elite, how can social movements develop strategies, frames, and narratives that point at the actual underlying causes of social, economic, and political oppression, rather than blaming everything on a handful of bad people plotting behind the scenes?

Fenster: An oppositional social movement that attempts to avoid conspiracy theory is seeking to counter both a prevailing, omnipresent narrative of limited vision (that it seeks to oppose) and a simple, easily discernible narrative of limited vision (that it seeks to avoid). Given such powerful competition, there is no simple way to succeed. It has to be a process of using both simple and complicated ways of communicating facts about the present and a story of the future.

Consider, for example, “outsourcing” and the effects of globalization on manufacturing jobs (I’ll leave behind the debates over whether outsourcing is as fundamental a problem as it is often made out to be — let’s consider it a problem for the sake of argument). Let’s assume we agree that the problem emanates from the structures of global capitalism, and that the best way to attack it is through a mix of national and international political movements that seek both to enable developing countries to develop in democratic, equitable, and environmentally sensitive ways, and to redistribute wealth and income here (or some other more complicated, structural set of solutions — the point being that the problem is complex, and any solutions need to be as well).

New Internationalist: How do we build a movement around these issues?

Fenster: Mainstream discussions of the subject either see the loss of manufacturing jobs and outsourcing of service sector jobs as no problem at all (the market is working itself out and any effort to intervene is futile or will have negative consequences to all concerned) or as a minor market failure that can be dealt with through some regulatory or distributional fix (we’ll tax companies that outsource or move or we’ll give subsidies and retraining to workers who are adversely affected). That’s pretty much the range of descriptions and prescriptions provided by the political parties and mainstream media — somewhat complicated but still relatively simple and requiring little in the way of any large-scale shift in political economic structures or priorities.

Conspiracy theorists see these problems as parts of a larger effort to create a one-world government or as parts of some other purposive project by some boogeyman or other. Easy to explain, simple, powerful.

Alternatively and better, though still to my mind a bit simple, one could describe it as part of a purposive class warfare by capital against labor. Although seemingly positing a conspiracy, this is not only closer to the truth, but also a more useful effort to construct arguments around international labor solidarity, efforts to use multinational NGOs and governing bodies to affect change, etc. At least it sees the relevant actors in the larger structural problems arising from capitalism, and constructs a powerful and useful narrative around them. But if that simple, populist narrative slips and becomes racist or anti-semitic or exclusionary, then its power to affect positive social and economic change disappears.

Meanwhile, my own wonkish explanation of the causes and potential strategies to confront them stumble on the steppes of complexity. There’s no agency there, no narrative, no way to intervene directly. Just a long march to a marginally better world.

So the point is, Don’t fear populism, don’t fear relatively simple ways of understanding the causes behind prevalent political issues, but don’t embrace them without understanding their downside risk. And always educate about the complex structures that affect what often appear to their victims as simple dynamics. At bottom, it’s an issue not simply of finding the best political theory for a particular set of empirical data but of finding the best mode of political persuasion for the particular situation. And those moments when the American left had some success in the twentieth century (in the 30s and 60s/70s) was when it was able to harness persuasive narrative elements of populism while neutralizing its exclusionary, hateful, and overly simplistic elements.

Faced with the Great Depression, the left coalesces around movements and ideas like Upton Sinclair, the Popular Front, radical elements of the early New Deal, and the like. Faced with southern apartheid, the Vietnam War, and a disaffected and large generation of young people, the left coalesces around the civil rights, women’s rights, and anti-war movements. All of these had both simple and quite complicated messages, and all of them had at their core populist conceptions of the relationship between themselves and power.

I think Michael Moore understands this really well, and much of the success of the anti-Bush movement (especially moveon.org) can be attributed to it also. (This leaves aside the question of whether Moore himself is a “conspiracy theorist,” or the extent to which moveon.org has a positive political program or is merely anti-Bush.)

New Internationalist: So as people become more alienated and feel more powerless, conspiracy theories become more attractive. This suggests that the rise of conspiracy theories can be traced in part to the erosion of ways for people to engage in actual democratic participation that shapes governance, and the increase in government secrecy and political repression, both related to globalization on behalf of corporate interests and the backlash it creates as social movements mobilize. Is this part of the dynamic?

Fenster: Well, mostly yes. It can’t quite explain the differences between the Clinton and Bush II years, for example. On the surface and in most relevant senses, the Clinton Administration — say what you will about it in other respects — was less secret than the current administration, and yet at least as many wild conspiracy theories surfaced about it than about Bush.

Of course there are plenty of theories about Bush circulating on the left, many of which seem quite simplistic and unsupported, but it just doesn’t compare to the Clinton haters. (Maybe I just don’t notice the Bush conspiracies as much as I did the Clinton conspiracies because the former seem more grounded in logic and fact than those about Clinton, which often seemed so utterly beside the point.)

I do think a sense of powerlessness, that includes a sense of powerlessness in the market and in politics, plays an important role in making individuals and groups open to populist politics. If you’re worried about your job, your house and car payments, your health care, the schools your kids attend, etc., and you find your local, state, and federal government unresponsive to your concerns but you don’t have the capital to buy your own solution, someone who comes along and persuasively explains to you in a simple and direct way that there are certain causes and solutions for your predicament may seem quite attractive. Not necessarily more attractive, but possibly so.

Books by Mark Fenster


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Antisemitism-Domhoff


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Interview:
G. William Domhoff

New Internationalist: Don’t you study how power elites conspire? How can someone tell the difference between conspiracism and criticism of the status quo based on power structure research?

Domhoff: I think I study how elites strive to develop consensus, which is through such publicly observable organizations as corporate boards and the policy-planning network, which can be studied in detail, and which are reported on in the media in at least a halfway accurate manner. I think this is the opposite of a small, secretive, illegitimate conspiracy because this large group called the power elite is known to the public, clearly states its aims (profit, profit, and more profit, and less government), publishes its policy suggestions, and is seen as legitimate by a great majority of the public.

I also study the way in which elites in the United States and other democracies have agreed for a few hundred years now to settle the issues where they can’t reach complete consensus, namely, through elections, which are also public and legitimate, and which can be observed by researchers in a fair amount of detail, including on the issue of campaign finance, and which are reported on fairly well in the media.

The interesting thing with elections, in terms of addressing the conspiracy kind of stuff, is that rival elites have in effect agreed not to get into all out violence and war with each other, although Americans elites did so only 144 years ago in the bloody Civil War. Political scientist John Higley talks of elites coming to “settlements” or “pacts” that lead to elections, but this is not through conspiring, historically speaking, but through sitting down to talk in frustration and exhaustion, usually after fighting each other to a draw over decades.

For the U.S., where there was no fight among elites in the 18th century, partly because they had a bigger common enemy in King George, the elite pact is the Constitution, which cuts all the key deals on property and slaves and government structure, and which is well known for the process of its creation, and was put to the people for a vote, which forced a Bill of Rights, so this is a very visible and legitimate elite pact. Within its context they agree to disagree. Once again, this is just about the opposite of a conspiracy.

Within that broad context, we all know that all of us plot and plan to further our interests on specific issues, not just elites, and we sometimes try out ideas in confidentiality. And within government there are discussions and plans that we do not know about, and there is often an attempt to mislead us, but that is not what I would mean by a conspiracy.

One of the great mistakes of conspiracy theorists is to take these everyday machinations as evidence for some grand conspiracy at the societal and historical levels. These theorists ignore all the evidence that such planning is usually discovered, whether in the media or by elite opponents, and sometimes leads to prosecutions.

There is no falsifying a conspiracy theory. Its proponents always find a way to claim the elite really won, even though everyday people stop some things, or win some battles, or have a say so through elections in which factions of the power elite win political power.

How to tell the difference from power structure research? We study visible institutions, take most of what elites say as statements of their values and intentions, and recognize that elites sometimes have to compromise, and sometimes lose. Conspiracists study alleged behind the scenes groups, think everything elites say is a trick, and claim that elites never lose.

New Internationalist: Why should progressive people be sensitized to the issue of conspiracism? Doesn’t conspiracism help build a constituency that challenges that status quo? That’s what people like Michael Parenti argues.

Domhoff: Conspiracism is a disaster for progressive people because it leads them into cynicism, convoluted thinking, and a tendency to feel it is hopeless even as they denounce the alleged conspirators.

Conspiracism is so contrary to what most everyday people believe and observe that it actually drives people away because they sense the tinge of craziness to it.

What social psychologists who study social movements say is that a social movement definitely needs a clear and visible opponent that embodies the values that are opposed, and which can be vilified and railed against. But in opposition to the conspiracists, these opponents are readily identifiable and working through visible and legitimate institutions.

So, I would say that the opponents are the corporate conservatives and the Republican Party, not the Council on Foreign Relations, Bilderbergers, and Bohemians. It is the same people more or less, but it puts them in their most important roles, as capitalists and political leaders, which are visible and legitimate…If thought of this way, then the role of a CFR as a place to try to hear new ideas and reach consensus is more readily understood, as is the function of a social club as a place that creates social cohesion. Moreover, those understandings of the CFR and the clubs fit with the perceptions of the members of the elite.

Books by G. William Domhoff

 


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Antisemitism-Brasher


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Interview:
Brenda E. Brasher

Brenda E. Brasher in 2004 was in the Department of Sociology, King’s College, University of Aberdeen, Scotland. She is on the board of directors of the Center for Millennial Studies.

New Internationalist: Why should we know something about apocalyptic thinking?

Brasher: The basic idea behind apocalyptic thinking is that things are not what they appear to be, and that there is going to be a day of reckoning in the future.

At that point in time, things will be set right in a confrontation with cosmic significance. This can play out in a number of different ways.

There is some ambiguity in studying apocalypticism as a master frame; it can be problematic because it can appear in different forms, often destructive but sometimes constructive.

For example, apocalyptic themes have been drawn upon by people who are in distress…people faced with horrific conditions and who are trying to sustain themselves, provide dignity, and preserve a sense of community. An example would be the role of apocalyptic Christianity among African slaves brought to the United States. This is also true of the anti-slavery abolition movements and the Civil Rights movement.

In this beneficent form apocalyptic belief provides a moral framework that resists the effects of chaos and provides a means by which communities can survive and endure.

For better of worse apocalyptic is a process of reconciliation. But how are things resolved? Apocalypticism is potentially beneficent or potentially destructive.

A crucial distinction is the ontological status of the person or group or idea being confronted; in other words, in the definition of the status of the “Other” in the anticipated confrontation. If the “other” is constructed as wholly evil, then the ramifications are really horrendous.

In this form, apocalypticism leaves no room for ambiguity in the stories told about the “Other.” There is a real hardening of sides. We are good, they are evil. This is not a disagreement, but a struggle with evil incarnate, so there is no structure for a peaceful reconciliation.

People are cast in their roles as either enemy or friend and there is no such thing as middle ground. In the battle with evil, can you really say you are neutral?

If you take a local conflict over land, such as that between Israelis and Palestinians, and you put this global apocalyptic framework in place, then it makes the conflict far more difficult to resolve. Local conflicts become globalized and made part of an unfolding universal story with cosmic dimensions. And it brings in players that you may or may not want aligned with you. For instance the Israeli government sees benefits when it cooperates with conservative Christian evangelicals who believe in an apocalyptic role for Israel and the city of Jerusalem. But the downside is that as the conflict gets generalized into an apocalyptic framework with notions of good and evil and cosmic significance, it makes it harder to take a conflict over land and find a practical resolution.

New Internationalist: Most people on the political left would deny that apocalyptic thinking has anything to do with shaping their idea of a vast conspiracy, saying they are not even religious. How would you answer this?

Brasher: We have not looked at the role of apocalyptic belief systematically and critically like we have done with issues such as racism and sexism. We tend to look at apocalyptic and conspiracist belief and laugh it off and push it aside. Yet in many ways it is pervasive. I came back to visit the United States after the attacks on 9/11 and was amazed to see apocalyptic rhetoric being spun out by elected officials and people on the right and left.

Studying apocalypticism in 2004 must be what it was like to be looking at issues of gender in the early 1900s. The language is simply not there to have a serious discussion. There is no name for the parts of the phenomenon we are studying.

Scholars have not communicated the concepts in a meaningful way to the larger public. Even with all the attention to apocalyptic belief that happened around the year 2000, the ideas never gained currency in the general public, or even in most of academia. The tools are there but people are not picking up to use them.

When people start to get it I will start to relax.

New Internationalist: Why do you think this is true?

Brasher: It’s very embarrassing to most people, especially scholars, to discuss the role of apocalyptic thinking throughout history. Observers often see it as just silly and stupid. The only time most people get aware of it is when they are steeped in it. Then it’s not something to be studied as apocalyptic, it is reality, and time is running out. Most people don’t see apocalyptic belief as a common framework at all. There is still denial among most historians that it has any relevance.

New Internationalist: What function is served by circulating public claims of a vast secret conspiracy–whether or not Jews are the target of the claim?

Brasher: There is something empowering in asserting you are “in the know” and what other people think is true is really a fraud. You suddenly become one of the inner circle and other people are foolish because they don’t get it. You are suddenly at the center of the community when before you were at the margins. Suddenly you have great wisdom and the other people are just pawns in a game only you understand.

Books & Studies by

Brenda E. Brasher


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Antisemitism-Barkun


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Interview:
Michael Barkun

by Chip Berlet

In his book A Culture of Conspiracy, Barkun writes:

“Conspiracism is, first and foremost, an explanation of politics. It purports to locate and identify the true loci of power and thereby illuminate previously hidden decision making. The conspirators, often referred to as a shadow government, operate a concealed political system behind the visible one, whose functionaries are either ciphers or puppets.” (Culture of Conspiracy178).

New Internationalist: What is the appeal of conspiracism to people trying to understand how power is abused? How can someone tell the difference between conspiracism and rational criticism of the status quo?

Barkun: The appeal of conspiracism is threefold. First, conspiracy theories claim to explain what others can’t. They appear to make sense out of a world that is otherwise confusing. Second, they do so in an appealingly simple way, by dividing the world sharply between the forces of light and the forces of darkness. They trace all evil back to a single source, the conspirators and their agents. Finally, conspiracy theories are often presented as special, secret knowledge unknown or unappreciated by others. For conspiracists, the masses are a brainwashed herd, while the conspiracists in the know can congratulate themselves on penetrating the plotters’ deceptions.

New Internationalist: How can someone tell the difference between conspiracism and rational criticism of the status quo?

Barkun: The issue of conspiracism versus rational criticism is a tough one, and some people (Jodi Dean, for example) argue that the former is simply a variety of the latter. I don’t accept this, although I certainly acknowledge that there have been conspiracies. They simply don’t have the attributes of almost superhuman power and cunning that conspiracists attribute to them. A sure sign that we have gone past the boundaries of rational criticism is the conspiracy theory that’s nonfalsifiable. Such a theory is a closed system of ideas which “explains” contradictory evidence by claiming that the conspirators themselves planted it.

Barkun writes about the spread of conspiracy culure:

“Prior to the early 1990s, New World Order conspiracism was limited to two subcultures, primarily the militantly antigovernment right, and secondarily Christian fundamentalists concerned with end-time emergence of the Antichrist.” (Culture of Conspiracy 179)

New Internationalist: Can you restate this with a bit more detail about the “militantly antigovernment right” and the “Christian fundamentalists.”

Barkun: These are worlds that certainly can overlap, but I see the distinction as follows: By “militantly antigovernment right” I mean those who consider governmental institutions, policies, and/or officials as illegitimate and tyrannical. They may, for example, claim that the federal courts have no jurisdiction over most Americans, or that there is no legal basis for the income tax. These views are often accompanied by pedantically elaborate pseudo-legal or pseudo-historical arguments. “Christian fundamentalists” may have many of the same policy preferences, but are far more likely to base them on end-time ideas and scriptural references, such as the rise of Antichrist.

Barkun has developed a theory on how conspiracy theorists embrace a range of what they consider “Stigmatized Knowledge.”

New Internationalist: How does the idea of “Stigmatized Knowledge” help us understand how conspiracism-especially antisemitic conspiracism-has moved into the political left?

Barkun: Lots of stigmatized knowledge ideas don’t break down neatly along left-right lines — for example, beliefs about Atlantis, UFOs, medical panaceas, and the like. Hence their acceptance doesn’t depend upon ideological pre-requisites. Other stigmatized knowledge ideas are shared by left and right. These include extreme ideas about the body’s vulnerability to poisoning and pollution, distrust of government, and favorable attitudes towards alternative healing.

Barkun discusses conspiracy theorist David Icke (Culture of Conspiracy 103-109).

New Internationalist: Is it fair to say that the work of Icke, although he does not emerge from the political right, is based on ideas popularized and shaped by stories that originate in the right-wing subcultures and then blended in an “improvisational style” with UFO and other mythic lore? When someone says the Protocols of the Elders of Zion is really about the Illuminati or the Bilderbergers is it fair to suggest that it still involves the use of historic “antisemitic motifs?”

Barkun: Icke is certainly the most adroit synthesizer of these ideas. He also tries to position himself as “beyond left and right,” as though he was above “mere” politics. He also effects a sympathy for groups he denigrates, claiming, for example, that most Jews and Masons are innocent dupes whom he wants to save from their conniving leaders. This strikes me as, to say the least, disingenuous, but it positions him to claim that he’s a victim when, for example, he is charged with anti-Semitism.
As to The Protocols, the current gambit of many who use them is to claim that they “really” come from some other group — not Jews but, for instance, Illuminati. It’s hard to tell whether they actually believe this or are simply trying to sanitize a discredited text. I don’t see that it makes much difference, since they leave the actual, anti-Semitic text unchanged. The result is to give it credibility and circulation when it deserves neither.

Books by Michael Barkun


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Antisemitic Conspiracism in the US

Understanding the relationships
linking antisemitism to conspiracism, and apocalypticism

by Chip Berlet

…to the extent that extraordinary claims require extraordinary investigations, those investigations must be true to the spirit of science. And that means highly skeptical, demanding, rigorous standards of evidence.        –Carl Sagan

Read the original 2004 article here:
ZOG Ate My Brains
https://newint.org/features/2004/10/01/conspiracism/

The Complete Interviews

Michael Barkun
I certainly acknowledge that there have been conspiracies. They simply don’t have the attributes of almost superhuman power and cunning that conspiracists attribute to them

Brenda E. Brasher
…apocalypticism leaves no room for ambiguity…[it] is not a disagreement, but a struggle with evil incarnate, so there is no structure for a peaceful reconciliation

G. William Domhoff
Conspiracism is a disaster for progressive people because it leads them into cynicism, convoluted thinking, and a tendency to feel it is hopeless even as they denounce the alleged conspirators

Mark Fenster
Don’t fear populism, don’t fear relatively simple ways of understanding the causes behind prevalent political issues, but don’t embrace them without understanding their downside risk

Robert Alan Goldberg
In a culture of conspiracism, opponents become traitors and enemies are stripped of their humanity

Evan Harrington
To some extent I believe that suspiciousness is part of human nature. Within the field of evolutionary psychology, researchers have attempted to link observable trends in human behavior to our distant collective evolutionary past

Sonali Kolhatkar
I think the real problem is when serious journalism is mixed in with conspiracy theory

Lee Quinby
Progressive thought falters under the weight of apocalyptic and conspiratorial thinking

Penny Rosenwasser
Antisemitism has been historically used to divert attention from the people who really make the decisions

Holly Sklar
When progressives grab onto conspiracy theories it undermines effective strategic analysis, planning and action


  1. For a detailed analysis of Right-Left alliances and conspiracism around the first Gulf War, see: Chip Berlet, Right Woos Left: Populist Party, LaRouchite, and Other Neo-fascist Overtures To Progressives, And Why They Must Be Rejected
  2. For a detailed analysis of the origins of the 4,000 Jews libel, see: http://slate.msn.com/id/116813/ and: http://www.snopes.com/rumors/israel.htm

Hard Right Conspiracism & Apocalyptic Millennialism

Hard Right Conspiracism & Apocalyptic Millennialism

The armed militia movement formed as the militant wing of the patriot movement following the government’s excessive use of force against the Weaver family in Idaho and the Branch Davidians in Texas. Patriots and militia members have an anti-government agenda laced with paranoid-sounding conspiracist theories, many of which echo apocalyptic millenialism of Christian fundamentalists. Endnote1 Persons in the patriot movement fear impending attack by government or UN troops and the establishment of a dictatorship as part of the New World Order. They distrust all mainstream media. The patriot movement made aggressive use of alternative electronic media such as fax networks, radio talk shows, shortwave radio, and online computer telecommunications. Endnote2Much of the information circulated in this sector of the hard right is undocumented rumor and irrational conspiracist theory, some of it merely paranoid lunacy, some based on classic white supremacist and segregationist legal arguments or allegations of secret plots by international Jewish bankers traced back to the hoax text, The Protocols of the Secret Elders of Zion. Endnote3 Print sources frequently cited as having “proof” of the conspiracy include the New American magazine from the reactionary John Birch Society, the Spotlight newspaper from the antisemitic Liberty Lobby, and Executive Intelligence Review (EIR) and The New Federalist from the neofascist Lyndon LaRouche movement. Most of the contemporary conspiracist allegations in the US are variations on the themes propounded in the late 1700’s by John Robison, Proofs of a Conspiracy and Abbe Augustin Barruel, Memoirs Illustrating the History of Jacobinism, which claimed that the Illuminati society had subverted the Freemasons into a conspiracy to undermine church and state and create a one-world government. Endnote4

One of the earliest examples of the use of online computer networks for mass organizing occurred during the 1992 presidential campaign of independent Ross Perot. Libertarians and populist conservatives, who appear to have strongly influenced the politics of early cyber-culture and the Internet, helped circulate organizing documents and position papers for the Perot campaign, quickly reaching a large audience. Endnote5 Perot’s anti-government themes also attracted support from some persons in the hard right who later went on to promote the patriot and armed militia movements. These pre-exisiting online relationships were a factor in the use of computer networks by the patriot and militia movements, which was apparently the first major US social movement organized extensively via horizontal telecommunications networks. Endnote6

A voluminous amount of information and numerous discussions about tactics and strategy for the armed militia and patriot movements moved across the Internet, appearing in Usenet newsgroup conferences such as <alt.conspiracy>, <talk.politics.guns>, <alt.sovereignty>, <misc.survivalism> and <alt.politics.usa.constitution>. Eventually a militia conference was established at <misc.activism.militia>. Information also appeared online at individual BBS’s set up by patriot and militia technophiles, tossed to multiple BBS’s through FidoNet and other messaging and echoing networks, and appeared in commercial online system discussion groups. Endnote7

Not all scapegoating conspiracist theories originate on the right. Alternative analysts who merge the rhetoric of the right and the left in their conspiracist diatribes include Linda Thompson, Mark Koernke, Sherman Skolnick, Dan Brandt, David Emory, Bob Fletcher, John Judge, and Ace Hayes. In a lengthy article on snowballing conspiracism in The New Yorker, Michael Kelly called this “fusion paranoia.” Endnote8 With the rise of “info-tainment” news programs and talk shows, hard right conspiracism, especially about alleged government misconduct, jumps into the corporate media with increasing regularity. Endnote9 As Kelly observes, “It is not remarkable that accusations of abuse of power should be leveled against Presidents–particularly in light of Vietnam, Watergate, and Iran-Contra. But now, in the age of fusion paranoia, there is no longer any distinction made between credible charges and utterly unfounded slanders.”

A-albionic Research describes itself as “A private network of researchers dedicated to identifying the nature of the ruling class/Conspiracy(ies).” A-albionic and the New Paradigms Project web page, <http:a-albionic.com>, are run by James H. Daugherty, a mail-order distributor of printed matter who believes the Vatican and British Empire are locked in a mortal battle for world control. Endnote10 Daugherty’s anti-Catholic bigotry tracks back to earlier allegations that the Pope was the antichrist. Endnote11

Conspiracist information circulates in online newsletters such as “Conspiracy Nation” by Brian Francis Redman, and “The People’s Spellbreaker” by John DiNardo. Glenda Stocks runs a computer information network pushing even more exotic theories. DiNardo’s The People’s Spellbreaker carries the flag motto “News They Never Told You…News They’ll Never Tell You.” The People’s Spellbreaker sometimes consists of transcripts of radio programs. In the following excerpt, the text is transcribed from “A World of Prophecy,” a conspiracist radio program hosted by Texe Marrs. The title was “New Currency: The Banksters’ Way To Rob Us Of Our Life Earnings.” Endnote12

TEXE MARRS:You know, most investment advisors don’t understand how the money system works. They don’t know of the problems being concocted by the New World Order. They don’t know the Illuminati conspiracies. And they simply cannot address these things. But I’ve got a gentleman on the line, and I’ll bet he has got some exciting information to give you. And keep in mind God’s prophetic word, and see how these things are working out. David Dennis, I’m so glad to have you on A WORLD OF PROPHECY.

DAVID DENNIS:

Well, I’m certainly glad to be on your show, Tex, and I bring the greetings of Lawrence Paterson. He asked me to say hello.

TEXE MARRS:

Well, good. I’m glad to hear from Lawrence Paterson. I get CRIMINAL POLITICS Magazine every month. I love to open that envelope and read that magazine. It’s one of the first things I grab ahold of when it comes in the mail. David, you’re the resident editor there.

One subject of interest is the new currency. You’re sort of ahead of your time. You’ve been warning us about a “two-tier dollar.” I’d like to get into that a little bit later. But what is this new money, this new currency?

DAVID DENNIS:

The new money actually was introduced not long ago. However, it might come as a surprise to all your listeners that the new money was NOT introduced here in the United States to our public. Rather, it was introduced in Moscow, [Russia] by the United States Treasury Department. And the idea was to have it serve as sort of a trial run, if you will. And, also, to let the Russian People know that the United States currency, which they depend so much on for value, will continue to be of value, even after this new currency comes on-line. So, it’s quite interesting that our new currency would not be discussed [or introduced] here in the U.S. first. Instead, it was introduced in Moscow to the Russian People.

TEXE MARRS:

That is just INCREDIBLE!

[rest of text deleted]

The information in this posting certainly is “INCREDIBLE!,” but is typical of the genre. Note the plug for Paterson’s conspiracist Criminal Politics newsletter and the mention of the Illuminati variation of the longstanding freemason conspiracist theory. Marrs is the author of a book on the Illuminati titled Dark Majesty: The Secret Brotherhood and the Magic of A Thousand Points of Light, described in an ad in the John Birch Society magazine as revealing “a secret society of grotesque rituals…whose symbol is the death’s head–the skull and bones…their plot has succeeded beyond their wildest dreams.” Endnote13This apocalyptic tone is typical. Consider John DiNardo’s tag line to his posting:

I urge you to post the episodes of this ongoing series to other newsgroups, networks, computer bulletin boards and mailing lists. It is also important to post hardcopies on the bulletin boards in campus halls, churches, supermarkets, laundromats, etc.–any place where concerned citizens can read this vital information. Our people’s need for Paul Reveres and Ben Franklins is as urgent today as it was 220 years ago.

The most zealous sector of the hard right is the far right or ultra-right, which mixes scapegoating conspiracism with open race hate, fascism, and neonazism. Even in this sector their is a vigorous debate over policy.Endnote14 One online skinhead conference is dominated by neonazi skins, but attacked by anti-racist skins.Endnote15 The screed of Holocaust revisionists can be found posted in <alt.revisionism> where they are isolated by the majority of Internet netizens (citizens of cyber space) who wish to preserve intellectual freedom but refuse to allow Holocaust deniers even the smallest space to spread their views on other conferences. In <alt.revisionism> you can find the rebuttals to the deniers posted by online human rights activists such as Ken McVay, Jamie McCarthy, Danny Keren, and others. Ted Frank posted scores of carefully-researched rebuttals to hard right legal arguments on <alt.conspiracy>. Endnote16A few ultra-right participants manage to post messages in discussion groups on the commercial services such as America Online (AOL), sometimes suggesting the purchase by mail-order of specific anti-government books and pamphlets with innocuous-sounding titles. When the material arrives in the mail it is often accompanied with a list of other materials with white supremacist or antisemitic themes. This attempt to hide or encode overt race hate and antisemitism is a common tactic of the ultra-right. The following excerpt from the Pennsylvania-based Christian Posse Comitatus newsletter The Watchman was found on the home page of Stormfront: Endnote17

“Meet the torch with the torch; pillage with pillage; subjugation with extermination.”–Colonel William C. Quantrill

As we enter the fall season, which is incidentally the best time of the year to recruit new people, I feel it necessary to comment briefly on new developments nationally. I received a phone call this morning from an acquaintance who asked me if I would like to receive an interesting fax. I did and it regarded a newspaper article about a “Klanwatch” report. Joe Roy of Klan Watch alleges that more than thirty right-wing extremist groups are gathering information about governmental agencies and so-called civil rights groups. He fears that this intelligence will be used in a future terrorist campaign against these same agencies. This is also evidently the fear of many law enforcement agencies as I have been contacted by such officials who expressed their concern. My answer to them was that public servants are supposed to be afraid of the people, do…us no further harm and all will be well.

I regret that it does not appear that government learned this lesson in Oklahoma City. There is currently legislation pending that will effectively outlaw free speech and classify such organizations as Aryan Nations, militias and the Posse as terrorist organizations.

Prepare for the men and boys to be separated! I personally believe the militia movement to be a bunch of well-intentioned persons who have a bit to learn. It is all well and good to prepare for another Ruby Ridge or Waco but the belief that hundreds or even thousands of conventional soldiers will be able to stand down the United States Army is ludicrous. It also stands to reason that the feds are infiltrating the militias as they did the Klans in the 1960s. Use the militia movement as a place to spread the truth and to meet people but beware the agent provocateur. The militias are also filled with the ridiculous rhetoric about “black helicopters” and even “space aliens” controlling the government from a secret base in the desert and so on. The helicopters were green at Randy Weavers and at Waco and they were sent and operators by White traitors.

While there is yet a little time arm yourselves and prepare to face some very difficult decisions. Knowledge is power, go to the Gun shows and buy the how-to books and learn the art of war. Live free or die!

FOURTEEN WORDS!

An average reader might miss the neonazi subtext of this posting. The “Aryan Nations, militias and the Posse” are lumped together and portrayed only as victims of demonization whose free speech rights are threatened. The Aryan Nations and the Posse Comitatus promote Christian Identity, a vicious antisemitic religious philosophy that often overlaps with neonazi beliefs. The phrase “fourteen words” is a coded pro-Hitlerian reference to the phrase “To secure the existence of the white race and a future for our children.”Endnote18 Notice how the author derides the “ridiculous rhetoric” of conspiracism in the militias, but points out a real example of government infiltration. Endnote19The networking through alternative media implied in this text is as interesting as the ideological assumptions. A phone call leads to the receipt of a fax containing a facsimile of a text article. This in turn leads to an article in a print newsletter that is then posted on the Internet, and ends up on the Web home page of a sympathetic group in another state.

The gun shows mentioned are a major meeting place for patriot and revolutionary right activists, and while most attendees and display tables focus on weapons, a handful provide books, magazines, pamphlets, audiotapes, and videotapes servicing the armed hard right. Endnote20 At gun shows different tables have different selections based on ideological loyalty with tables featuring The New American magazine from the John Birch Society, videotapes of militia stars Linda Thompson and Mark Koernke, copies of the Spotlightnewspaper, and overt White supremacist and neonazi books. Endnote21

Radio is another vehicle for education and recruitment into various sectors of the hard right. Generic right-wing scapegoating theories are broadcast daily on mainstream commercial AM and FM, with programs featuring Rush Limbaugh, Oliver North, and G. Gordon Liddy, and scores of similar hosts. Much anti-government rhetoric flows back and forth on right-wing radio, and it helped create the mindset that led to the growth of the patriot and armed militia movements. Endnote22 Sometimes there is crossover, such as Colorado Springs AM radio host Chuck Baker interviewing Linda Thompson in August of 1994 about her plans for an armed march on Washington, DC to remove the “traitors” in Congress. Thompson later canceled the march and lost much credibility in the militia movement, but one Baker listener, Francisco Martin Duran, drove to the capital city in October and shot-up the White House. Endnote23

Major purveyors of right-wing conspiracist scapegoating in recent years have included radio personalities Tom Valentine, Chuck Harder, Craig Hulet, Mark Koernke, John Stadtmiller, Norm Resnick, William Cooper, Linda Thompson, Jack McLamb, Tom Donahue, and Bo Gritz. Sometimes right-wing populist radio shows introduce hard right ideologues as innocuous experts. On his “For The People” syndicated program, Chuck Harder once used notorious antisemite Eustace Mullins as an expert on the Federal Reserve. Harder’s newspaper, tied to the radio program, sold several Mullins’ books––including one claiming a Rothschild family Jewish banking conspiracy––for over a year. Yet Mullins did not sound antisemitic on the radio program. Harder stopped promoting Mullins after a listener documented Mullin’s beliefs. Endnote24

Many programs are part of elaborate information networks. For example, Paul Valentine hosts a daily talk show called “Radio Free America” (RFA), that is originally broadcast from WBDN 760 AM in Tampa, Florida. RFA is also broadcast on the shortwave band operated by World Wide Christian Radio (WWCR). Endnote25The RFA program is also carried by satellite into homes with receiving dishes. Endnote26 Most people are unaware that audio programs can arrive through a home satellite dish simply by turning off the video and tuning in a specific audio frequency. Audiotapes of RFA are sold through the quasi-Nazi Liberty Lobby’s Spotlight newspaper which carries capsule descriptions of recent RFA programs in every issue accompanied with an order blank. Valentine is affiliated with the southern regional bureau of the Spotlight newspaper, but his on-air demeanor avoids hateful rhetoric.

World Wide Christian Radio (WWCR) carries more mainstream evangelical programs along with hard right programs broadcast on several shortwave frequencies. WWCR played a key role in networking and assisting the growth of the patriot and armed militia movements in 1994 and 1995, airing a program by Linda Thompson and the show “The Intelligence Report” hosted by Mark Koernke and John Stadtmiller, which was pulled off the air after the Oklahoma City bombing. A number of conspiracist radio programs are sponsored by precious metals commodities dealers and those selling gold and silver coins. The pitch is that precious metal is a secure investment to hedge against possible financial chaos and economic collapse that might deflate paper currency or cause bank failures. Endnote27 Shortwave listeners can also hear conspiracism and scapegoating from WRNO based in Louisiana, WINB from Pennsylvania, and several other stations.Endnote28 There are so many right-wing shortwave radio programs that a progressive shortwave radio station broadcasting out of Costa Rica, Radio for Peace International, has a radio program called “Far Right Radio Review” devoted exclusively to monitoring and discussing the rightwing broadcasts.

Another emerging alternative media, fax networks and fax trees, were used extensively by the armed militia movement in its formative stages and continue to be utilized by the hard right including the far right. The Spotlight featured a cover story on how rightwing populists in New Jersey had distributed fliers and faxes opposing a proposed state environmental law. According to The Spotlight, “Virtually overnight hundreds of thousands of copies of the flier appeared as if by magic on bulletin boards, store windows and fax machines throughout the state.” The flier was circulated in part through a fax hotline operated by northern New Jersey resident Franklin Reich. Endnote29


Endnote1

Daniel Junas, “Rise of the Citizen Militias: Angry White Guys with Guns,” CovertAction Quarterly, spring 1995; Chip Berlet & Matthew N. Lyons; “Militia Nation,” The Progressive, June 1995, pp. 22-25; Kenneth S. Stern, A Force Upon the Plain: The American Militia Movement and the Politics of Hate, New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996.

Endnote2

See Brian E. Albrecht, “Hate Speech,” The Plain Dealer (Cleveland), June 11, 1995, pp. 1, 16-17.

Endnote3

Eric Ward, ed., Conspiracies: Real Greivances, Paranoia, and Mass Movements, (Seattle: Northwest Coalition Against Malicious Harassment [Peanut Butter Publishing], 1996). On Protocols, see Norman Cohn, Warrant for Genocide, (New York: Harper & Row, 1969).

Endnote4

On nativist roots, Ray Allen Billington, The Origins of Nativism in the United States 1800-1844 (New York: Arno Press Inc., 1974); John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism 1860-1925 (New York: Atheneum, 1972).; David H. Bennett, The Party of Fear: The American Far Right from Nativism to the Militia Movement, (New York: Vintage Books, 1995, (1988)). Richard Hofstadter, “The Paranoid Style in American Politics,” in The Paranoid Style in American Politics and Other Essays (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1965); David Brion Davis, “Some Themes of Counter-Subversion: An Analysis of Anti-Masonic, Anti-Catholic, and Anti-Mormon Literature,” in Davis, ed., The Fear of Conspiracy, (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1971), pp. 9-22.

Endnote5

On Perot’s online support, author’s monitoring of political postings on the Internet and various BBS conferences. On libertarian influence on cyber-culture, conversation with Paulina Borsook 11/96 based on her forthcoming book.

Endnote6

Some of my research into the right online was to prepare for an interview by Grant Kester that appeared as “Net Profits: Chip Berlet Tracks Computer Networks of the Religious Right,” in Afterimage, Feb./March 1995, pp. 8-10.

Endnote7

A BBS in its simplest form is a single computer hooked to a phone line through a modem that allows offsite computer users with a modem to connect through a phone line to a menu-driven list of information and messages. More elaborate BBS’s can handle multiple phone lines, and some are networked through systems such as FidoNet or linked into the Internet.

Endnote8

Michael Kelly, “The Road to Paranoia,” The New Yorker, June 19, 1995, pp. 60-70.

Endnote9

Kelly, in his New Yorker article, writes of this seepage phenomenon from alternative to mainstream in terms of conspiracist anti-government allegations.

Endnote10

David McHugh “Conspiracy Theories Grow,”Detroit Free Press, 4/29/95, p. 1A.

Endnote11

Davis, The Fear of Conspiracy, pp. 9-22.

Endnote12

From “A World of Prophecy,” hosted by Texe Marrs, broadcast over WWCR, 5.065 Megahertz shortwave, December 23, 1995, 8:00 P.M. EST. Downloaded in late 1995 from <alt.conspiracy> and posted to private e-mail list of persons studying far right. Original posting by John DiNardo. Spelling corrected as a courtesy.

Endnote13

Ad for Texe Marrs, Dark Majesty: The Secret Brotherhood and the Magic of A Thousand Points of Light in The New American, 10/5/92, p. 41.

Endnote14

Betty A. Dobratz and Stephanie Shanks-Meile, “Conflict in the White Supremacist/Racialist Movement in the United States, International Journal of Group Tensions, Vol. 25, No. 1, 1995, pp. 57-75.

Endnote15

In the US many skinheads are culturally identified youth rebels who are not explicilty racist, and in some cases are actively anti-racist.

Endnote16

Rebuttals to Holocaust deniers is collected globally at <http://www.nizkor.org>.

Endnote17

Newsletter from fall 1995, located and downloaded in early 1996 and posted on private e-mail list for persons studying the far right. Stormfront homepage was at the time: <http://www2.stormfront.org/watchman/watch-on.html>.

Endnote18

According to the Coalition for Human Dignity, the phrase “fourteen words” is a coded white supremacist greeting that originated with David Lane, a member of the neonazi Order. Another coded phrase is “88,” representing the eighth letter in the alphabet as in “HH” for “Heil Hitler.”

Endnote19

Although the FBI infiltrated some ultra-right groups during the 1960’s and ’70’s, it also formed alliances with the paramilitary right to infiltrate left and people-of-color groups which sometimes faced extralegal and sometimes lethal repression not experienced by the right until the 1980’s. See for example: Frank J. Donner, The Age of Surveillance: The Aims and Methods of America’s Political Intelligence System (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1980); Ward Churchill & Jim Vander Wall. Agents of Repression: The FBI’s Secret Wars Against the Black Panther Party and the American Indian Movement, (Boston: South End Press, 1988); Kenneth O’Reilly, “Racial Matters:” The FBI’s Secret File on Black America, 1960–1972, (New York: Free Press, 1988); Ward Churchill & Jim Vander Wall. COINTELPRO Papers: Documents from the FBI’s Secret Wars Against Dissent in the United States, (Boston: South End Press, 1989); Brian Glick, War at Home: Covert Action Against U.S. Activists and What We Can Do About It, (Boston: South End Press, 1989).

Endnote20

Kristen Rand, “Gun Shows in America: Tupperware® Parties for Criminals,” Violence Policy Center, 1996.

Endnote21

Author’s visit to gun shows in Ohio and Massachusetts.

Endnote22

Leslie Jorgensen, “AM Armies,” pp. 20-22 and Larry Smith, “Hate Talk,” p. 23, Extra! March/April 1995. Ed Vulliamy, “Clinton Tackles the Mighty Right,” The Observer (London) April 30, 1995, p. 16. Steve Lipsher, “The Radical Right,” The Denver Post, January 22, 1995, p. 1.

Endnote23

Jorgensen, Ibid.

Endnote24

Marc Cooper, “The Paranoid Style,”The Nation, April 10, 1995, pp. 486-492. William H. Freivogel, “Talking Tough On 300 Radio Stations, Chuck Harder’s Show Airs Conspiracy Theories,” St. Louis Post Dispatch, May 10, 1995, p. 5B.

Endnote25

Through 1996 at shortwave band 5.065 kHz .

Endnote26

Satcom1, transponder 15, audio channel 7.56.

Endnote27

David McHugh and Nancy Costello, “Radio host off the air; militia chief may be out,” Detroit Free Press, 4/29/95, p. 6A.

Endnote28

The author monitors far-right shortwave broadcasts on a Radio Shack DX-390. See also James Latham, “The Rise of Far-Right/Hate Programming on the Shortwave Bands,” Vista (Radio for Peace International), Oct. 1994, pp. 2-4. Contact RFPI, POB 20728, Portland, OR 97220.

Endnote29

The Spotlight, 12/11/95, p. 1.

David Horowitz’s New Incendiary Campaign Targeting US Campuses

Political provocateur David Horowitz is bottom feeding off the tropes of the Trump campaign about liberal “political correctness” in the latest desperate attempt by Horowitz to raise funds for his loathsome foundation. As in the past Horowitz is taking the serious issue of bigotry on US college campuses and using right-wing incendiary language to focus on the issue in a one-sided way. The campaign is part of the “David Horowitz Freedom Center,” an Orwellian self-aggrandizing name for a group that dispenses right-wing propaganda and is supporting the Trump campaign.

Horowitz has announced a fall campaign to expose and shame the “Hamas-loving Jew haters at American universities” who Horowitz says “defy the rules of political correctness.” This latter reference parasitizes a major theme of the Republican Right in the current election campaign—although it is unclear what Horowitz actually means with this rhetorical bait. (Read more about so-called “Political Correctness” as used by candidates Donald Trump and Mike Pence here)

According to Horowitz, it is “liberal academics” who cheer on the “Hamas-loving Jew haters,” “Jew-hating anti-Israel students,” and “liberal progressive allies in academia” who want to “end free speech and humiliate and harass Jewish students.”

The solution is to send money to Horowitz’s Freedom Center, according to a mid-August 2016 fundraising letter signed by Horowitz, who claims “…Jews face hatred like no other group on campus, with anti-Semitic student groups like Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) that torture and humiliate students for their Jewish faith and support for Israel.”

There is antisemitism on US college campuses, just as there is Islamophobia, White racism, and bigotry against the LGBTQ community. Many college administrators are attempting to intervene in acts of bigotry that step outside the bounds of the open debate encouraged on US campuses. It’s a precarious situation balancing free speech and protection for all students.

One national group, The Justus and Karin Rosenberg Foundation, provides model program information to combat antisemitism while defending civil liberties. The foundation explains itself in this paragraph on its home page:

==The Justus and Karin Rosenberg Foundation works to combat – and to increase the serious study of – hatred and antisemitism. We emphasize projects that impact high school and college age students. We also help students engage difficult issues like the Israeli/Palestinian conflict, and learn how strong passions may influence thinking. Our projects must be consistent with, and ideally should promote, academic freedom.

Compare this calm rhetoric guarding free speech with that of Horowitz:

===Jew-hating professors across the country shut down debate in classrooms, demonize Israel, and push pro-Hamas propaganda in the classrooms. And last year it seemed to reach a fever pitch….We will find out who the student and faculty supporters of these Jew hating, pro-Hamas student groups are on a dozen hand-picked campuses across America – and put their names on posters that we will circulate when classes start in September….Our goal is to force the press to cover our efforts, exposing cowardly university administrators and forcing universities to stop funding hateful anti-Semitic and pro-jihadi groups.

The endless inflammatory and one-sided rhetoric of Horowitz is one reason he was singled out as not a constructive voice in confronting antisemitism and Islamophobia on US college campuses in the report I edited for Political Research Associates.

I fairness to Horowitz, I present below a partial list of his various projects for your perusal, all of which can be inspected at this Freedom Center page:

Tools of Fear: Dynamics of Bigotry

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Conspiracism as a Form of Scapegoating

An Introduction Johnson’s Five Rules of Conspiracism

Scapegoating

    • Scapegoating as Ideological Weapon
    • Dehumanization and Demonization
    • The Scapegoat
    • Constructing the Enemy as Scapegoat
    • Social Psychology
    • Scapegoating in Society
    • Some Examples
    • The Role of the Demagogue
    • Totalitarianism

 

Conspiracism

    • The Dynamics of Conspiracism
    • Conspiracism as Scapegoating
    • Conspiracism and Apocalypticism
    • Conspiracism and Countersubversion
    • Conspiracism and Social Conflict
    • Conspiracism and “Secret Elites”
    • Conspiracism as Parody of Institutional Analysis
    • The Political Assumptions of Conspiracism
    • Conspiracism and Right-Wing Populism

 

Populism

    • Rethinking Populism
      • Agrarian populism:
      • Political populism:
    • Right-Wing Populism
    • Populism as Core Element of Fascism

 

Propaganda & Deception

      • Flaws of Logic, Fallacies of Debate
      • Techniques of the Propagandist

The Sucker Punch Series

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